Introduction
Throughout the world, women still suffer discrimination and oppression,
for no reason other than their gender. In essence, the plight and suffering
of women is the same for all of us. But let there be no doubt that we women
have undoubtedly taken major strides forward.
So, in the beginning of this speech, I salute the tens of thousands of women
who sacrificed their lives or freedom in the cause of the Iranian Resistance,
the thousands of women victimized by the violence and terror of reactionaries
in other countries, and those women who endeavor for the equality of women,
today. Greetings from the bottom of my heart to you all, for thanks to your
efforts, today we do not have to begin our struggle from nothing.
Today, major issues such as peace, social and economic development and the
spread of democracy have become unavoidably entangled with the issue of
women. All of these issues merit research and study, but our discussion
today focuses on Islam's approach to the equality of women and men. I find
this a subject deserving far greater attention than has been accorded to
it so far, not only because of the challenges existing in Iran, but in light
of developments in all Islamic countries and among the Muslims of other
nations.
I begin my speech with a reminder of a few obvious facts on the inequality
and oppression women suffer from, before I move on to the main subject.
According to the data released by the United Nations, women make up only
10% of the world's parliaments,1 and hold only 5.7%2 of ministerial positions.
According to Mrs. Edith Cresson, France's former Prime Minister, the stereotype
of power in political circles is masculine; the boss is a man. This model
further considers a pro-women outlook as very short-sighted.
The situation is worse in the field of economic management: a glass ceiling
covers the world. At most 1 to 2% of senior executives are women.3 Yet women
pay a higher price for unemployment than men do. For the same amount of
work, women on average receive less than 75% of men's wages. In some cases,
this figure drops to 50%.
Another United Nations study discovered that women contributed $11 billion
to the world economy through their invisible labor.4 And yet, 70% of the
world's poor are women.5
The other matter of concern is a woman's struggle to strike the right balance
between her job, her housework and the upbringing of her children. Creating
harmony between family life and professional life is a laborious exercise
which exacts a heavy price from women everyday. Different forms of violence
against women - at home and in society - are on the rise, becoming an acute
social crisis in many parts of the world.
Women's typical reaction to these conditions is a mixture of passivity and
resignation. The question is, why are women being eliminated from the social
and political scenes, and why do they acquiesce to their own elimination?
In reply, I find myself in agreement with Simone De Beauvoir's assertion
that the story of woman is the very essence of her womanhood. If she is
eliminated, if she eliminates herself, if she is obsessed with a lack of
identity and disbelief in herself, and if she is viewed as the "second
gender" or "the other gender," it is because she has always
been viewed as a woman, not as a human: being a woman means being passive
and inevitably on the defensive.
Look back in history and you will see that whether a woman was put down,
humiliated and reproached, or whether she was admired and held sacred, it
was because she was a woman and none else. The great calamity lies in the
fact that a woman is known by her "womanliness," a view which
she shares, herself. This vicious cycle of degeneration is the product of
gender discrimination which has enchained women.
Despite its defiance, the male-dominated regime is retreating step by step.
Yet at the same time, a reactionary, violent and suppressive force called
fundamentalism is emerging. Misogynous in character, fundamentalism or religious
fanaticism, best represented by Khomeini's successors in Iran, is threatening
all the achievements of the civilized world, particularly those of women.
Under the banner of Islam, they are denying the equality of women and men.
I will suffice by citing a document from the fundamentalist regime ruling
Iran which critiques the "Convention on the Elimination of All Forms
of Discrimination Against Women." The mullahs' Council of Cultural
Revolution prepared this document on the eve of the United Nations' Fourth
World Conference on Women in Beijing. It describes the Convention as "one
of the U.N. 's orchestrated and fundamental initiatives" to realize
"colonialist objectives disguised as 'defending women's rights.' "
The document views the "Convention's overall spirit," namely women's
equality with men, as contrary to the foundations of the clerical regime.
It quotes Khomeini's remarks to the regime's leaders: "State your repugnance
at equal rights (for men and women)." It adds: "According to the
sayings of the Imam, equality between the sexes destroys all Divine edicts
and oppresses women. His Eminence the Imam had denounced as apostates (which
automatically carries the death sentence) those advocating this notion."
Although gender oppression is common to all reactionary philosophies, fundamentalist
mullahs stand in a class of their own. They derive their vigor and inspiration
from their discrimination against and suppression of women; it is their
life's blood. Beyond the whip, in a literal sense, the fundamentalist form
of oppression is the worst because it is compounded by a cultural persecution
which takes advantage of the name of Islam.
Today, I deliberately wish to step out of my position in the Iranian Resistance
and speak as a Muslim woman. In my view, fundamentalism clearly runs counter
to Islamic thinking. This is precisely what I wish to speak about today.
At the conclusion of my presentation, I will try to share with you some
of the experience gained in 17 years of resistance by Iranian women, and
complement it with our suggestions on the prerequisites for women's emancipation,
which must definitely be earned by women themselves. Let me reiterate that
in challenging the mullahs, whose reactionary rule has shackled my homeland,
I deliberately want to present my case as a Muslim woman.
Notes:
1. Platform for Action, Fourth World Conference on Women, Beijing, September
1995, Chapter 1, Global Mission: No. 28.
2. The World's Women 1995: Trends and Statistics, United Nations, Chapter
6, Power and Influence.
3. Ibid.
4. Human Development Report 1995, p. 4.