Committed Professors of Iran's Universities and Schools of Higher
Education
Also founded in 1979, this group is comprised of university
professors and academics. Opposed to the regime's policies,
especially the "Cultural Revolution," the group soon gained the
support of a large segment of Iran's scholars. Dr. Mohammad Ali
Sheikhi, former head of Tehran University's Technical Faculty, is
the president of the group. A graduate of metallurgical engineering
from the U.K., Dr. Sheikhi is the author of several books on technical
and political issues.
*********************************************
The President and official spokesman of the National Council of
Resistance is Mr. Massoud Rajavi. The Council has a secretariat and
six secretaries who administer its affairs. The NCR's 18 committees
function as the basis for the future Provisional Government. Seven
of the committee chairs are from the Mojahedin, three from the
National Democratic Front, one from the People's Fedayeen, one
from the Committed Professors of Tehran Universities, one from the
Association to Defend Iran's Democracy and Independence. The four
remaining chairs are filled by independent personalities of
different political persuasions.18 The average age of the NCR
committee chairs is over 50. Nine of them have graduate degrees
from France, Britain, the United States and Germany, and eight are
graduates of Iranian universities. The Chair of the Denominations
and Freedom of Religion Committee is a cleric.
In its annual session in August 1993, the National Council of
Resistance elected Mrs. Maryam Rajavi as President for the
transitional period.19 Her term will begin after the mullahs'
overthrow, and extend until the ratification of the new constitution
by a freely elected National Legislative and Constituent Assembly,
and the election of a new president. Her tasks will include "supreme
supervision"20 over "proper implementation of the NCR's
declarations and decisions."21 She is authorized to undertake "the
duties and responsibilities of the NCR President in his absence,"22
within the framework specified and ratified by the Council. The
NCR's members agreed that the election of Mrs. Rajavi, as a symbol
of national unity, is the best guarantee for the reconciliation of
Iranian society, which has suffered severe spiritual and material
harm under the mullahs. A woman head of state further ensures
democracy and pluralism during the transitional period and the
transfer of sovereignty to the people, they noted.
Based in Paris, Mrs. Rajavi has become the focal point of hope and
attention of Iranians in the country and abroad. Since her election,
thousands of Iranians, many distinguished professionals and
specialists in Europe and North America, have actively involved
themselves in the movement. They have written to Mrs. Rajavi,
declaring their readiness to cooperate with the NCR committees and
take part in the reconstruction of a prosperous Iran. Renowned
Iranian artists, banned from performing or forced into exile, have
also declared solidarity with the President-elect's efforts to build a
free Iran. In July 1994, Marzieh, Iran's legendary singer with a
remarkable 50-year record, left Iran for France to announce her
support for Mrs. Rajavi.
Mrs. Rajavi, 42, a metallurgical engineer, was a leader of the
Iranian student movement in the 1970s. One of her sisters was
killed under the shah and another, pregnant at the time of arrest,
was executed along with her husband in the Khomeini regime's
prisons.
In August 1993, the NCR chose the Lion and Sun as the Council's
official emblem, placing it on the Iranian flag. "Since ancient times,
the Lion and Sun has been the symbol of safeguarding Iran from
evil,"23 said the Council. For 12 years, the national Iranian anthem,
"O' Iran, Land of Pearls," has been the NCR's official anthem.
DELIBERATE EXCLUSION
The Council's positions, constitution and structure, briefly reviewed
in this chapter, have been detailed in its publications in the past. In
the State Department's treatment of this issue, unfortunately, the
authors intentionally ignored the Council as an independent entity,
and discussed it as part of the Mojahedin. The report makes
baseless allegations and intentionally distorts several issues to deny
that the National Council of Resistance is the regime's only viable
alternative.
The authors lash out at the Mojahedin for not making notorious
operatives of the shah's SAVAK and bogus, non-existent groups
members of the NCR. It is more than inconsistent to accord these
non-entities - alliance with whom would discredit the Resistance -
such stature, while belittling the Mojahedin's allies in the Council.
It is perfectly true that the Mojahedin, as the most popular political
and military force in Iran, are the largest member of the National
Council of Resistance. For this reason, the Council deserves all the
more credit for establishing a democratic process which grants the
Mojahedin exactly the same rights as other Council members. The
remnants of the shah's regime and Khomeini's mullahs have tried
for years to portray the Mojahedin and National Council of
Resistance as one entity with two names. It is unfortunate that the
Department of State has not referred to any of the detailed, well-
documented responses of the Iranian Resistance.
Appeasing Tehran's Mullahs, published in September while the
report was being prepared, replied specifically to the allegations
reiterated in Ms. Sherman's letter to Rep. Torricelli in July 1994.
Three chapters of the book were devoted to detailed responses,
including documents, which proved the charges were unfounded.
As in previous cases, the book was provided to the State
Department by the House Foreign Affairs Committee. In response to
repeated objections by congressmen to the Department's refusal to
hear the Mojahedin or NCR representatives, officials stated on
numerous occasions that they were aware of Mojahedin
publications and would consider them. They also claimed that their
research team had reviewed all the Mojahedin and NCR publications
from the 1960s through October 1994. The falsity of the claim only
underlines their political insincerity.
In 1993, in reply to inquiries by members of Congress, the
Department claimed that the Mojahedin and NCR are one and the
same. Mohammad Mohaddessin, Chairman of the NCR Foreign
Affairs Committee, wrote in this regard24 to representatives Ronald
Dellums (D-CA) and Dan Burton (R-IN). A copy of his letters was
later sent to President Clinton. Mr. Mohaddessin wrote:
The [State Department's] "fact sheets" say: "The close links between
the NCR and PMOI make the two organizations virtually
indistinguishable." This claim is supported by the observation that
"Massoud Rajavi would have sole responsibility for the appointment
of cabinet ministers under the provisional government." In
response, it must be asked which democratic tradition faults a close
relationship between a political organization (the Mojahedin) and
the political coalition (NCR) of which it is a member, and cites that
relationship as indicative of the two being "indistinguishable"? In
addition, does the President of the United States "not have sole
responsibility for the appointment of cabinet ministers"? As
specified in the NCR's constitution, Mr. Rajavi is responsible for
nominating cabinet ministers, who must be confirmed by the NCR's
membership, which is also authorized to impeach ministers in
office. The provisional government is duty-bound to comply with
the NCR's resolutions. Is this same procedure not followed in the
U.S.?
In article 8 of its constitution, the National Council of Resistance
specifies: "The right to question and to interpolate the Provisional
Government, or any of its members, is reserved for every member
of the Council."25 In article 7, it specifies that the Provisional
Government is duty-bound to "act in accordance with the program
and the immediate tasks assigned to the Provisional Government
and in accordance with the Council's future decisions" and to
undertake the administration of affairs for six months. As Mr.
Rajavi stressed in August 1993, when he introduced the chairs of
the NCR committees, the Provisional Government is a coalition
government. Only seven of the 18 chairs of the NCR committees are
from the Mojahedin; the rest are renowned personalities, neither
ideologically nor organizationally affiliated with the Mojahedin, of
varied political views.
The State Department's claim about the two being
"indistinguishable" is supported by the observation that leading
NCR representatives are also closely affiliated with, if not members
of, the PMOI. As mentioned, the NCR serves as a parliamentary
body; therefore, some members of the Mojahedin - or of other
organizations belonging to the NCR - are also members of the NCR.
Far from being concealed, this issue was publicly announced.
Indeed, according to the Department's logic, the U.S. Congress and
Republican Party should be faulted for being "indistinguishable,"
because all congressional committees and sub-committees are
chaired by Republicans. As mentioned, 60% of the NCR's committees
are chaired by non-Mojahedin members.
Actually, the NCR demonstrated that it is even a step ahead of
democratic countries when, in the fall of 1991, it declared that any
NCR representative in a given country who belongs to a member-
organization must relinquish his or her membership in that
organization to fulfill the responsibilities of an NCR representative
without regard to any organizational duties or posts, and in
complete impartiality.
IGNORING THE FACTS
The report asserts: "Although the NCR claims that it is a democratic
organization, its practices do not sustain the rhetoric."26 In another
reference the report states, "The Mojahedin determined who could
join... who was worthy of being given... voting rights... Critics were
either squeezed out of the National Council or silenced."27 The
charges are utterly baseless.
As detailed earlier in this chapter, the Council's constitution entitles
all members to an equal vote in the decision-making process, and
all member-organizations have the right to veto. The NCR's
constitution does not discriminate between members, and there are
no amendments that make an exception of one or more members,
under any circumstances. The NCR president is not entitled to any
special powers in crisis situations, in contrast to virtually every
other political organization or government, including the
government of the United States of America, which grants special
powers to the head of state or organization to enable it to react
quickly to special circumstances.
The Iranian Resistance is confronting the most brutal dictatorship
of our times; the circumstances are never ordinary. Nevertheless,
all NCR decisions are made with the agreement of two-thirds of the
members present, provided that no member organization vetoes
the decision. Members and those familiar with the NCR's conduct
over the years will testify that all of the Council's decisions in the
last 14 years have been made in a completely democratic fashion
and in accordance with the above procedures. At the same time,
any of the member-organizations can block the adoption or
implementation of any plan by exercising their veto powers. Thus,
neither the Mojahedin, nor the NCR president, nor any other person
or organization can impose its will on the body. Those who accuse
the NCR of not being democratic would do well to cite one single
case where the Mojahedin or the NCR president have breached
these constitutional regulations.28
The report states, "Once a bona fide coalition, the Council
disintegrated in the 1980s, when many of the resistance groups
that had joined in 1981 left the organization because of their
objections to Rajavi's dictatorial methods and his unilateral decision
to ally with Iraq."29 The Department accepts that the Council was
initially a viable one, and, therefore, internal democratic processes
were observed at the time. The Council's constitution has not
changed.30
The report bases its finding on Bani-Sadr's and the KDP's
"withdrawal," and concludes that they "prompted a mass exodus."31
As explained in detail in chapter I, neither Bani-Sadr nor the
Kurdistan Democratic Party left the Council. Both were expelled by
unanimous vote for violating the NCR constitution and program, i.e.
violating the internal democratic process of the Council. There was
no "mass exodus" and no "unilateral decision to ally with Iraq." The
attempt to thus explain the so-called withdrawal of the KDP is so
shallow that the authors have overlooked the fact that this party
enjoyed active contacts with the Iraqi government and had a
presence in that country long before Mr. Rajavi met with Mr. Aziz
in Paris in 1983 or moved there in 1986.
Furthermore, the withdrawal or expulsion of one or more members
from a political coalition has never been indicative of an absence of
democracy within that movement. Since the election of the Clinton
administration, for instance, many top officials have been fired, or
have resigned for personal reasons or because of differences with
the President. Political alliances and coalitions are formed on the
basis of common enemies and shared values. They are prone to
change. There is no basis for inferring that a coalition is
undemocratic because some individuals or parties have left it.
There have been numerous cases of individuals or even groups
splitting off from the Democratic or Republican party, for example.
These people have gone on to form their own platforms due to
differences with other members or the party leadership. This in no
way indicates an absence of democracy or the use of dictatorial
methods by that leadership.
KURDISTAN DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF IRAN
Among the sources the State Department cites in describing the NCR
as undemocratic is a letter from the KDP that states, "In view of our
working experience with the Mojahedin between 1981 and 1986
and of their attitude toward the Iranian democratic opposition since
then, we consider the Mojahedin an anti-democratic and sectarian
organization who can not be trusted to be faithful to democratic
aspirations of the Iranian people."32 To establish the truth, or lack
of it, of the allegation that the KDP's "working experience" revealed
the Mojahedin to be "anti-democratic and sectarian," it is necessary
to briefly review the history of relations between the Party and the
Mojahedin.
Like other Iranian Kurdish groups, the Kurdistan Democratic Party
of Iran nominated Massoud Rajavi as the democratic opposition's
candidate in the 1980 presidential elections. Subsequently, Abdol
Rahman Qassemlou, the KDP Secretary General, referred to Rajavi as
his "elder brother." He sought a more extensive Mojahedin
representation and attendance at their headquarters in Kurdistan.
At the beginning of the armed resistance, a number of Mojahedin
went to the KDP's political bureau headquarters on the western
border of Iran. Before installing their own radio transmitters, the
Mojahedin used the KDP's small transmitter for nine months to
broadcast their radio messages and programs. The presence of the
Mojahedin in this area provided precious political backing for the
Party, which Mr. Qassemlou warmly welcomed.
In October 1981, immediately after Mr. Rajavi announced the
program of the Provisional Government, the KDP joined the NCR and
recognized it as "the unique alternative." In subsequent official
statements, Mr. Qassemlou described his Party's alliance with the
National Council of Resistance as a source of pride and honor,
reflecting the desire of all the people of Kurdistan.
On the NCR's second anniversary in 1983, the KDP Secretary General
asserted in his message:
The emphasis that the National Council of Resistance is the only
democratic alternative is not a hollow motto, but a statement of
fact, because... there are no other alternatives. The American-made
monarchist groups cannot be called alternatives. Firstly, our history
and bloody struggles of the past years have once and forever
buried monarchy in our country. Secondly, "monarchists" and
"constitutional monarchists" cannot become democratic
alternatives... Since its formation, the key to the National Council of
Resistance is that its main force is the People's Mojahedin, an
organization which has bravely risen up against the Khomeini
regime; an authentic organization which has grown from within the
heart of the society and has a revolutionary history; an organization
which understood that the Khomeini regime could not be
overthrown except through armed struggle, the principal form of
struggle. The presence of the People's Mojahedin in the National
Council of Resistance guarantees the Council's non-compromise with
the Khomeini regime. It also attests to the fact that the NCR is a
revolutionary alternative, which will not reconcile itself to the
mullahs' regime.33
In September 1983, the Mojahedin announced their views on the
autonomy of the Kurds within the framework of Iran's territorial
integrity. Subsequently, in a letter to the Mojahedin in the fall of
that year, the KDP Secretary General described the Mojahedin's
position as "a cause of joy for members of the Democratic Party and
all the people of Iranian Kurdistan."34 He emphasized that the
policy "will be very effective in reinforcing the National Council of
Resistance as the only democratic alternative."35 Subsequently, the
KDP politburo also praised the Mojahedin's views, adding: "The
announcement of these positions is a firm response to all those who
do not know the Mojahedin and think that their talk of Kurdish
autonomy is tactical and that the Mojahedin do not believe in the
people's right to determine their own destiny."36 In an interview
with Voice of Kurdistan, December 15, 1983, Dr. Qassemlou
acknowledged: "The People's Mojahedin Organization played a
remarkable role during the discussions and negotiations on the plan
[for the autonomy of Iranian Kurdistan]. It made a tremendous
effort to have this plan ratified in its present form."37
Several months later, in April 1984, the KDP, along with the
Council's other members, signed a declaration stressing that the NCR
was the only viable democratic alternative. It said of the Council's
peace plan:
The National Council of Resistance would like to once again declare
that the measures taken to date in support of peace (i.e. the
meeting between the NCR president and Iraq's vice-premier;
drafting of a peace plan and efforts to have it ratified in
international bodies; peace campaigns inside Iran; call on soldiers to
disobey Khomeini's war directives, leave the fronts and join the
Resistance's forces; and call for a halt to the bombardment of cities
and towns) are not only endorsed, but praiseworthy. The National
Council of Resistance, as the only democratic alternative in view of
its program and that of the future government, will in future do
anything in its power to advance its peace plan in the interests of
the Iranian people. The National Council of Resistance considers a
consistent defense of peace as patriotic, progressive, and
humanitarian.38
Along with other members of the Council, the KDP also signed a
declaration on September 28, 1984, which provides an
unambiguous response to the State Department allegations today.
The declaration reads in part:
The claim that the Council has no independent existence and what
does exist is principally "a puppet of the Mojahedin" is not new. The
monarchists, Bani-Sadr and his newspaper have for some time
repeated this claim. Our compatriots, however, should know of the
Council's internal relations and be aware that: Firstly, despite all the
slander by the aforementioned newspaper, the Council has not
made any political decision to date that it has not made public.
Secondly, it was Bani-Sadr who unjustly benefited from an
exceptional and advantageous position in the Council. Bani-Sadr,
adhering to a double standard, was the Council's president and at
the same time never felt bound by his signature to the Council's
program and ratifications. Rajavi was criticized repeatedly by other
Council members for the unusual flexibility and special
consideration that he had observed in respect to Bani-Sadr since
the Council's formation. Nevertheless, Council members never lost
their confidence in Rajavi. Rajavi never had any political
negotiations with Bani-Sadr about which he did not inform the
Council, and the Council never made any decisions that Rajavi did
not enact, let alone not counteract. Therefore, claims of "personal
dealings" by Rajavi with Bani-Sadr, although they reflect the
personal wishes of the publishers of Bani-Sadr's paper, are totally
false.39
As the struggle became prolonged, the Kurdistan Democratic Party
began whispering about the legitimacy of negotiating with the
Khomeini regime. The issue was first raised that same year with
Ibrahim Zakeri, then the Mojahedin's representative in Kurdistan.
He was told privately, "If the Mojahedin will guarantee that they
will overthrow the regime within six months, establishing the NCR
in power, we will discontinue our negotiations with the regime for
up to six months. Otherwise, we cannot struggle for 25 years."
Negotiating with the mullahs' regime was a blatant violation of the
constitution of the National Council of Resistance. The KDP had itself
repeatedly emphasized that "the Council must insist on its
principles. Any infringement or deviation from these principles will
lead to the NCR's loss of credibility... Doubtless, the secret to success
lies in respect for mutual commitments, adherence to the NCR's
accepted principles, and endeavoring to put them into practice."40
By October 1983, the Khomeini regime's suppressive forces had
driven the Kurdistan Democratic Party out of its last footholds in
the villages and regions on the western Iranian border, forcing it to
establish its bases on Iraqi soil. Since the Kurdistan Democratic
Party mostly relied on local Peshmarga, whose sphere of activity
was limited to the area wherein they lived (as opposed to educated
urban combatants), this loss of territory severely reduced the
Party's capabilities and demoralized its leadership, some of whom
began to view their only solution as reconciliation with the mullahs.
Kurdistan, the KDP's official organ, first reported on the negotiations
between the Party and the Khomeini regime's agents in September
1984. The policy was immediately condemned in an NCR session.
The NCR President and a number of Council members warned
Qassemlou against pursuing the policy, but to no avail. Finally, in a
statement on November 3, 1984, the Mojahedin condemned the
Party's actions and called for "mutual adherence" to the "common
obligations" set forth by the National Council of Resistance.41
Subsequently, the NCR President and members did their utmost to
dissuade the Kurdistan Democratic Party from approaching the
regime. The letters as well as the minutes of the sessions held in
this regard are available.
In the NCR's session on January 7, 1985, "all of the members
attending the session, except the Kurdistan Democratic Party...
condemned political negotiations with the regime, described them
as contrary to the signed commitments to the Council."42 In that
session, Rajavi addressed Qassemlou, the KDP's Secretary General,
in front of all members, saying that if, as Qassemlou had stated, the
Party's problem was a shortage of arms or funds, and that this was
why they had caved in to the mullahs, the Mojahedin were willing
to share (whatever they had). Immediately afterwards, as a
goodwill gesture, Rajavi ordered the Mojahedin to give their own
guns to Qassemlou's party. To everyone's shock, Qassemlou first
pointed out that he wanted metalstock automatic rifles, rather than
woodstock automatic rifles, adding that he preferred money to
guns. Rajavi ordered that he be provided with a map of Iran and
100,000 French francs.43 Several days later, the KDP
representative in France acknowledged receiving the assistance. A
week later, however, Qassemlou sent the money back, and it
became amply clear that shortages of funds and arms had been but
an excuse, particularly since Qassemlou also demanded his "party's
right of independence" to establish contacts and negotiate with the
Khomeini regime.
In a message on February 11, 1985, the NCR President addressed
the KDP, stating: "I sincerely and most honestly appeal to the
Kurdistan Democratic Party to honor the sacrifice of our nation's
martyrs, particularly the Kurdish Peshmarga, and announce, in no
uncertain terms, its decision not to resume any political
negotiations with the anti-human enemy at present or in future."44
Mr. Rajavi specified: "I sincerely hope that the Democratic Party
will make a firm decision and boycott all political negotiations with
the illegitimate Khomeini regime... and thereby provide for the
elimination of its differences [with the NCR]."
Unfortunately, the appeals were in vain. Finally, in April 1985,
after six months of futile negotiations with the KDP, the National
Council of Resistance unanimously decided to terminate its
cooperation with the Kurdistan Democratic Party, and expelled it
from the coalition on the basis that the KDP's "political negotiations
with the Khomeini regime, contradicting Article 1 of the
Constitution of the National Council of Resistance, are considered a
fundamental violation of the Council's existence, nullifying its
membership in the NCR."
Significantly, Qassemlou never sought to leave the NCR, and did his
best to retain the benefits of membership while negotiating with
the Khomeini regime. He knew well that he would not find other
allies like the Mojahedin or other NCR members.
A Persian-language bulletin published abroad wrote at the time:
This so-called politburo of the Kurdistan Democratic Party wants...
to overthrow the Islamic Republic regime and believes it is futile to
negotiate with it, and at the same time sees such negotiations as
useful and is willing to forego all intentions of toppling the regime.
It seems that the politburo has forgotten its motto of "democracy
for Iran, autonomy for Kurdistan." While they pretend to speak
from a position of strength, despite losing their lands, there are
numerous indications that the inclination to negotiate with the
regime actually emanates from the weakness overcoming the
Kurdish fighters, unequal in strength and despairing of achieving a
military victory. The politburo has therefore concluded that it must
allow for political negotiations at any cost.45
As attested by the minutes of the NCR sessions, immediately after
Qassemlou was himself established in Iraq, he repeatedly
encouraged the NCR President to move to that country. He also
persistently asked the Mojahedin to assassinate Edris and Massoud
Barzani, brothers who were leaders of the Iraqi Kurds and at the
time residing west of Tehran. Mr. Rajavi vehemently rejected the
proposals.46 While a member of the NCR, Qassemlou continuously
asked for more and more financial, military, technical, public
relations and medical support from the Mojahedin. For their part,
the Mojahedin did not have any qualms about helping the KDP as
much as they could.
Some of the pertinent documents are available. One is signed by Dr.
Sadeq Sharafkandi, then the Party's number-two man, later to
succeed Qassemlou as Secretary General and, like his predecessor,
to be assassinated by the Khomeini regime. Signing as Saeid Badal,
his nom de guerre, on April 15, 1984, Sharafkandi wrote: "On behalf
of my comrades in the leadership and all members and supporters
of the Kurdistan Democratic Party of Iran, particularly the
personnel of the radio, I would like to extend my most sincere
gratitude to the People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran for two
years of unrelenting support and cooperation." The statement is in
reference to the lengthy period during which the "anti-democratic
and sectarian" Mojahedin broadcast the KDP's daily radio
program.47 As Abdollah Hayaki, known as Mamousta Abdollah (the
incumbent successor to the Party's leadership) had pointed out in
an October 23, 1983, letter to the Mojahedin, "The Mojahedin's
radio was the only possible way for the Party to broadcast Voice of
Kurdistan."48
Most important was the political support the Mojahedin and other
members of the NCR afforded the KDP vis-ˆ-vis the Khomeini
regime's malicious political attacks, even prior to the formation of
the Council. In his first speech after Khomeini seized power in
February 1979, Mr. Rajavi defended the rights of the people of
Iranian Kurdistan and spoke of the need to eliminate the dual
oppression they endured.49 Later, despite the mullahs' harassment
and violent attacks, the Mojahedin, as the only nationwide, Muslim,
democratic force, advocated defense of Kurdish rights on a national
scale. Khomeini, who had issued death decrees for the Kurdish
leaders, was enraged at the Mojahedin's support for the Kurds and
lashed out at the organization for speaking on their behalf.
Obviously, the differences between the Kurdistan Democratic Party
and the National Council of Resistance of Iran did not, as the State
Department has suggested, relate to "the lack of democracy" within
the NCR, but to the KDP's desire to compromise with the Tehran
regime and the NCR's insistence on the need to establish democracy
in Iran. Just as today, the dispute between the State Department
and the Iranian Resistance relates to the issue of negotiations with
this "permanent feature" and the NCR's insistence on replacing
Khomeini's dictatorship with a pluralistic democracy.
Some time later, Jalil Gadani, Secretary General of the faction which
split from the KDP, revealed that an associate of Qassemlou had told
him: "Some time ago, Qassemlou reached an agreement with the
regime to oppose the Mojahedin." Same old story. Opposition to the
Mojahedin and National Council of Resistance is a prelude to
compromise and rapprochement with the Khomeini regime. For his
part, Mr. Rajavi told Qassemlou and his group: "I hope that the
KDP's distancing itself from us will be limited, and that its
endeavors to negotiate with the regime will not prove harmful to
the party. Even if the Party continues to churn out slander against
us, however, I will continue to wish them well, because I hope to
never see their future ruined."50 The Mojahedin also emphasized
that negotiating with the regime was both futile and dangerous, and
would expose them to the mullahs' terrorists. Today, not only
Qassemlou, but also his successor as KDP Secretary General have
been assassinated by the Khomeini regime's agents, confirming,
however regrettably, the accuracy of the Iranian Resistance's
predictions.
The National Council of Resistance also condemned the armed
conflict between the KDP and Koumula (another Iranian Kurdish
group) and their indiscriminate slaughter of POWs, as well as their
various forms of extorting ordinary people. In this light,
Qassemlou's sudden transformation into a "democrat" upon his
arrival in Europe is somewhat startling.
The KDP's reconciliation and negotiations with the Khomeini regime
were accompanied by blatantly undemocratic relations within the
Party, as Qassemlou's former friends began revealing in spring
1988. Many of the party's veteran officials and well-known figures
opposed the policy,51 as did many ordinary Kurdish people, who
wrote letters to the NCR President to this effect.
Qassemlou and his colleagues gradually squeezed all opponents out
of key positions in the party. In 1987, Qassemlou forced the Party
Congress to support a fixed slate for the politburo, designed in a
way to preclude opposition to the negotiation policy. Consequently,
15 members of the leadership split off and formed the Kurdistan
Democratic Party of Iran- Revolutionary Leadership. This new
party strongly opposed the policy of negotiations with the regime
and maintained close ties with the Mojahedin and National Council
of Resistance.
In conclusion, it is important to note that Qassemlou's humiliating
submission to the mullahs' regime severely damaged his Party's
prestige. Still dreaming of the regime's moderation, after the cease-
fire in the Iran-Iraq war he expressed surprise in an interview
with the BBC that nobody from the regime was interested in talking
to the KDP. A short while later, a Guards Corps commander in
Kurdistan said nobody was interested in what he had to sell, but if
he wanted, "he can return to the cradle of Islam and be granted
clemency."
ABOUT DEMOCRACY
The State Department suggests that the National Council of
Resistance and the Mojahedin are "undemocratic" because of their
refusal to form a coalition with historically anti-democratic forces
tied to the shah and Khomeini. The report states: "Other opposition
groups which never became part of the Council and with whom the
NCR refuses to associate include: the monarchists, notably the
Iranian Constitutionalists and the Flag of Freedom Organization of
Iran; and the main factions of the People's Fedayeen Guerrillas."52
The report also says: "In an early demonstration of its intolerance
for dissent, the Mojahedin refused to allow the participation of the
Liberation movement (also known as the Freedom Party), a
prominent liberal opposition group,"53 and refused to admit the
communist Tudeh.54 The authors of the report add: "Other
resistance groups were wary of the Mojahedin's brand of
revolutionary Islam. The National Front (Mossadeq's nationalist
party) refused to join the Council because it objected to the concept
of Islamic government. Two other Marxist organizations, which
similarly objected to the religious aspect of the Mojahedin's
ideology, also refused to join."55A brief look at the nature, actions
and political history of these groups, for whose exclusion the State
Department castigates the Mojahedin, establishes that the
Department's representations about democratic concerns have been
less than sincere.
THE FREEDOM MOVEMENT
The Freedom Movement, led by Mehdi Bazargan, the first prime
minister after the fall of the shah, is one of the State Department's
favorite groups. The movement is avowedly loyal to the Islamic
Republic regime, despite occasional nagging at the mullahs. It does
not seek to replace that regime, and considers itself a "loyal
opposition." Even after the start of mass executions in 1981, the
group reiterated its pledge of allegiance.56 During the executions en
masse of political prisoners in summer 1988, the Freedom
Movement emphasized that no members of the nationalist, popular
groups had been killed. The party's inclusion or exclusion from the
National Council of Resistance, which believes the fundamentalist
regime should be replaced with a democratic government, is,
therefore, a non-issue.
On many occasions, Mr. Rajavi called on the group to renounce its
support for the regime and cease acting as a political foil. In 1985,
when Bazargan traveled to Germany, Mr. Rajavi wrote to urge him
not to return to Iran and to complicity in the regime's crimes.57
Regrettably, Bazargan and his colleagues preferred to continue
what they themselves described as their "cowardly and treacherous
life" under the regime. Bazargan has since passed away. After his
death, Mr. Rajavi commented that Bazargan' s political life was a
testament to the irreformability of the mullahs' regime. A decade
ago, the Iranian Resistance's Leader told him that he would never
be restored to power under the mullahs. Fortunately, in the last
days of his life, Bazargan testified to the Khomeini regime's inability
to reform. In an interview with Frankfurter Rundschau on January
12, 1995, Bazargan estimated the popular base of the mullahs'
regime at less than 5%, adding that the mullahs "will commit so
many evil deeds that they perish because of it."
TUDEH PARTY & FEDAYEEN MAJORITY
The Iranian Communist Tudeh Party was formed in 1942, during
the Soviet occupation of northwestern Iran during the Second
World War. The party, from its inception, acted as a KGB proxy in
Iran and pursued policies dictated by the Soviets. In the 1940s, the
Tudeh attracted a large following in Iran's northern provinces by
manipulating the unfamiliarity of the populace with its goals and
the special international circumstances prevailing at the time. Many
Iranian army officers joined the Tudeh.
The Soviets distrusted Dr. Mossadeq, objecting to his opposition to
special privileges for Moscow in Iran's northern oil fields. Toeing
the Soviet line, the Tudeh obstructed, opposed and attacked Dr.
Mossadeq. In the aftermath of the 1953 coup that reinstated the
shah, the Tudeh was also suppressed. Many Tudeh members were
arrested; all of their arrested leaders eventually cooperated fully
with the shah. Many former Tudeh leaders later became SAVAK
and court officials. The Tudeh's tainted past undermined its
credibility among Iranians.
Some Tudeh leaders who had sought sanctuary in the Soviet Union
and East Germany, returned to Iran with the fall of the Shah in
1979 and reestablished the party apparatus. Not surprisingly, in
blind obedience to Moscow, the Tudeh collaborated with the
mullahs until 1984, when they were arrested by the Khomeini
regime. The party admitted to cooperating with the Pasdaran
against the Mojahedin and other opponents. In summer of 1981,
the Tudeh Secretary General, Nooreddin Kianouri, issued an
outrageous call to the French government to extradite Massoud
Rajavi to the Khomeini regime. The party supported the mass
executions of 1981 and wrote in its newspaper that "Rajavi and U.S.
imperialism" were responsible for the killings. After the arrests of
1984, and particularly after the disintegration of the Soviet Union,
the party slipped into oblivion.
The Fedayeen Majority is a faction of the Organization of People's
Fedayeen Guerrillas of Iran. This Marxist-Leninist organization was
formed in the late 1960s and waged armed struggle against the
shah. After the fall of the monarchy, a major split occurred in the
group and a faction calling itself the Majority joined ranks with the
Tudeh in 1979. This group mimicked Tudeh policies and, much like
the Tudeh, was allied with the regime until the arrest of its
members in 1984. The group's treachery knew no bounds. Its
members cooperated with Khomeini's Pasdaran in the interrogation
and torture of Mojahedin and other political prisoners.58 The
Majority marched in step with the Tudeh, calling Mojahedin policies
"liberal" and advantageous to U.S. interests. Today, the regime and
its allies essentially make the most of their hysteric enmity toward
the Mojahedin.
THE NATIONAL FRONT
The National Front, led by Dr. Mohammad Mossadeq, was formed in
the late 1940s. It was a popular movement which represented
different sectors of Iranian society. After the shah was restored in
1953, the National Front was, for all practical purposes, dissolved.
In the 1960s, during Kennedy's presidency, the Second National
Front was founded, but its activities came to end with the
crackdown in the winter and spring of 1963. Dr. Mossadeq never
endorsed the Second National Front from his home in exile. After
1963, the Third National Front was formed abroad, yet it, too, was
rapidly dismantled.
In the wake of the shah's overthrow, Dr. Mossadeq's followers
founded the National Democratic Front in 1979. The NDF is
presently a member of the NCR.
In recent years, various individuals in Europe have occasionally
announced the formation of the "National Front." Most have been
linked to the regime. One, Ahmad Anvari, put out a publication,
Jebhey-e Melliyoun, for some time in London. The publication,
devoted to opposing the Mojahedin, was halted in 1991, and
Anvari returned to Iran, where he closely cooperates with the
clerical regime. The regime has on occasion also misappropriated
the name of the National Front to issue statements against the
Iranian Resistance. A recent incident involved statements issued in
Washington, D.C., against the July march in support of the NCR's
President-elect. In reality, however, today there is no such group as
the "National Front." Perhaps the State Department can provide an
organizational address indicating otherwise.
If the Department is using the term "National Front" in reference to
Mr. Karim Sanjabi, the first foreign minister of the Khomeini regime
and a leader of the Second National Front, it should be pointed out
that in his memoirs, published in 1989, Sanjabi specified that "The
National Front now lacks any organizational structure" and "the
publications presently put out under the name of the National
Front... are not official organs." Sanjabi added that he had learned
much to his regret that some members of the National Front had
"opportunistically or to earn a living" turned to Shapour Bakhtiar
and "receive salaries from him."
The authors can rest assured that nothing is left of the National
Front but its name. A coalition cannot extend membership to a non-
entity. Any questions in this regard can be referred to Sanjabi, now
90 years of age and a resident of the U.S.
In his memoirs, Sanjabi has written that one of his points of
departure with the Mojahedin was "the latter's acceptance of the
Kurdistan Democratic Party and membership of Dr. Qassemlou in
the NCR." "Where did the KDP and Qassemlou get the right," he asks,
"to demand autonomy on behalf of the people of Kurdistan?"58
Sanjabi adds: "Qassemlou and his gang, like the Koumula, are really
secessionists and are linked to the policies of foreigners. They want
to cover up their true nature."
Despite his differences with the Mojahedin, Sanjabi says in his
book:
The struggle and sacrifices of the Mojahedin against the despotic,
ignorant and anti-Iranian regime of the mullahs are irrefutable...
And one cannot deny the fact that the heroic operations of those
men and women who tied bombs around their waists and
sacrificed their lives to eliminate the blood-thirsty enemy are
amazing manifestations of bravery and of the historic resistance of
this nation against oppression and injustice. The Mojahedin have
sacrificed their lives more than any other group. Thousands of them
have been executed, and thousands more are suffering under
torture in prisons. No movement and no organization which
struggles against the mullahs' despotic regime cannot and must not
ever ignore the tremendous impact of their struggle.59
MONARCHISTS
As far as the monarchists are concerned, claims of their existence in
Iran are farcical. For all practical purposes, they are an extinct
species within Iran. There is not one instance of activity by a
monarchist group inside Iran that would support the notion that
they have some sort of support or even actually exist.
Among Iranians abroad, there are a number of "organizations" and
individuals who profess support for the monarchy. They do not,
however, represent anyone or anything but themselves and their
"organizations," usually a mere post office box address or an
answering service. Essentially, their only activity, at the behest of
their benefactors, is to issue statements opposing the Mojahedin, for
use in branding the National Council of Resistance of Iran as
"undemocratic."60
More importantly, however, these groups' officials are essentially
former members of the shah's regime, and are therefore implicated
in that regime's crimes, especially during its last 25 years. These
are the same people who were ousted from Iran by the entirety of
the Iranian nation, and their return to power in Iran is about as
likely as the return of monarchy to France. All political and ethical
principles aside, it is common sense that union with such notorious
forces would only disgrace the Mojahedin and NCR, and serve as a
propaganda windfall for the regime, which would promptly label
the Mojahedin as supporters of the return of monarchy to Iran. If
such alliances are a gauge of democracy, we would rather leave
them to these people's advocates in the State Department
For instance, one of the groups mentioned in the report is the Flag
of Freedom. Previously the State Department referred to the group
as the Campaign for Democracy and Human Rights in Iran.61 The
group is headed by Manouchehr Ganji, a former minister until the
final days of the shah's regime. Ganji was also a high-ranking
official of the SAVAK. During his studies abroad, he was responsible
for surveillance of opposition student activities. In the 1970s, he
was head of the College of Law at Tehran University, a post from
which he was ousted by students for his involvement with the
shah's secret police.
Another group mentioned is the Iranian Constitutionalists.
According to the group's handful of members, it has never taken
shape. Mehrdad Khonsari, referred to as its spokesman, has said:
"We never succeeded in bringing together all of the different
monarchist tendencies. It is obvious now that this is much more
difficult than we had thought, and I don't think it will happen
anytime in the near future."62
Indeed, any knowledgeable Iran observer cannot but regard this
part of the report, its criticisms and lessons on democracy, as
utterly ridiculous. In the words of the Leader of the Iranian
Resistance, the best yardstick for evaluating the democratic nature
of a movement is the extent to which it has put up a fight against
dictatorship and the degree to which it is willing to sacrifice for
democracy. If that is the case, the Mojahedin have passed and
repassed their test for three decades.
THE CRUX OF THE MATTER
The National Council of Resistance of Iran welcomes diverse
political views and its doors are open to all democratic forces. The
NCR's program represents the common denominator of the political
agendas of its members. Any prospective member can join the
Council by accepting its program. This does not necessarily mean
that they must forgo their own political or ideological preferences.
All are free to hold their own views, even if they differ from those
of other members, including the Mojahedin. All can strive to add
items from their agendas to the Council's platform by participating
in the democratic process recognized in the Council. The groups
mentioned by the State Department, however, have no record of
believing in or abiding by democratic principles. The NCR has never
cooperated with them, nor is there any reason to believe it will do
so in the future. Any cooperation with such groups violates the
NCR's founding principles and its goal to end dictatorship and
establish democracy in Iran. One of the primary reasons for the
Council's endurance and unity vis-a-vis the mullahs' religious,
terrorist dictatorship is the insistence on these very principles and
the refusal to join ranks with such groups.
After 10 years of animosity and the same old accusations against
the Mojahedin and NCR, the State Department has nothing new to
add to its accusations - an admission of the NCR's non-collaboration
with such groups. The Department further admits that the NCR was
initially a "bona fide coalition" consisting of "many elements of the
Iranian opposition." In previous communications as well, the
Department has confirmed that "The NCR did, at its inception,
include a diverse range of Iranian opposition groups." Therefore, in
all fairness it must be said that if the absence of such groups did
not prevent the Department from assessing the NCR as a bona fide
coalition then, it should not, logically, be a factor now. We can only
conclude, therefore, that such excuses now are intended to further a
policy so disgraceful that the Department hesitates to come out with
it.
The Khomeini regime is at its lowest point, engulfed in economic
and social crises. Corruption is rampant. The problem of succession
in the religious leadership is irresolvable, creating deep splits in the
higher echelons and desertions among the ranks of the very
supporters upon whom the regime relies for suppression. Public
discontent is on the rise. Rafsanjani has failed, despite Western
hopes to the contrary. Even many "moderation" theorists in the
West have admitted that ahead lies only deepening crises. On the
other hand, regardless of the State Department's allegations, there
is no serious contender for power in Iran other than the National
Council of Resistance. Precisely because there is such an alternative,
all of the regime's problems quickly turn into political issues that
threaten its existence. Therefore, the Iranian Resistance has a
greater chance than ever before of establishing democracy in Iran.
This does not sit right with the holdouts for Irangate and
supporters of essentially the same policy that resulted in the 1953
coup.
The unrealistic inflation of persons and groups that have no chance
in Iran is but a propaganda ploy to weaken the resistance. It is,
moreover, futile, because the circumstances in Iran today are
different from those of 1953. The Department is ill-advised to
pursue a line which will lead to yet another policy failure in Iran.